The period from February to October 1917 was difficult for Russia. During this period, the fate of the monarchy was decided.
At first the war aggravated everything Russian problems;
Strikes and unrest in Petrograd;
Power is in the hands of the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. dual power;
The period from February to October 1917 can be characterized as a transition from an autocratic monarchy to the Soviet system, bypassing the state of the liberal-bourgeois type.
Main Feature February Revolution is that from its first days two types of state began to form in the country - a bourgeois republic and a republic of Soviets. These two types of statehood were different in ideology, social and economic aspirations.
By the end of 1916, the country found itself in a deep socio-economic and political crisis caused by Russia's participation in the First World War. The economic crisis turned into a political one. From the beginning of the war, Nicholas 2, using the introduction of martial law, tried to get rid of the State Duma. In the context of the growing crisis, the 4th State Duma demanded the creation of a government of "people's trust", i.e. government responsible to the Duma. Those. they demanded the actual removal of Nicholas 2. Nicholas could not allow this and fought the aggravated crisis with his own methods - he changed prime ministers and ministers, which only led to more confusion. In mid-February 1917, the government decided to introduce a rationing system for food distribution in Petrograd. It concerned the social classes. Petrograd went on strike. A state of emergency was introduced, the dissolution of the 4th Duma was announced. On the night of February 27, the Arsenal, a political prison, was captured. The Petrograd garrison went over to the side of the rebels. On March 2, Nicholas 2 signed the Manifesto on abdication in favor of his brother, who did not dare to accept the crown and signed the manifesto on abdication before the decision of the Constituent Assembly.
The country faced a choice: either the bourgeois-reformist path of development, or the proletarian-revolutionary path to socialism. Elections to the Petrograd Soviet began in Petrograd. On February 27, the first meeting of the Petrograd Soviet took place, at which the Central Executive Committee was elected. The Petrograd Soviet became the first people's government.
On the evening of March 2, the Provisional Government was formed. Thus, a dual power developed in the country. The Soviets, which did not have state power, expressed the interests of the bulk of the people and relied on the support of the workers and soldiers. The provisional government expressed the interests of the bourgeois-landlord circles. The intertwining of powers could not be long, stable, and had to end in favor of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. The victory of each of them depended on the organization and cohesion, scope political activity, the degree of radicalism of programs for solving issues vital for the country and the people, political strength and influence on other social strata. The provisional government could not solve pressing political and social issues. The weakness of power intensified the separatist sentiments of the national outskirts. The territorial disintegration of the country began - Poland, Finland and Ukraine demanded independence. The movement for the autonomy of Siberia sharply intensified. Lithuania and Latvia were also waiting for independence. In the financial sphere, the government also experienced difficulties. By October, the state debt amounted to more than 49 billion rubles. The financial crisis was explained by the exorbitant costs of maintaining numerous committees and the growth of the wages of workers and employees, as well as huge military spending and tax evasion of the incomes of the propertied classes. The printing press was launched, which finally undermined the monetary system and pulled the entire economy into the abyss. The issue of land was not resolved, because of which the conflict with the peasantry grew. By the end of April 1917, peasant uprisings had engulfed 42 out of 49 provinces. Peasant uprisings began in August demanding the nationalization of the land.
During the period under review, there were several dozen parties in the country. The Cadets became the main bourgeois party. The Cadets entered the Provisional Government as the ruling party. In March 1917, at the 7th Party Congress, the Cadets advocated the introduction republican forms board and for moderate reformism. The Cadets included in their program the demands of basic civil liberties, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, freedom of trade unions, etc. The parties of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) also had great political weight. The strategic goal of these parties is the struggle for socialism. The Bolshevik Party stood on the left flank of the political struggle. Until Lenin's return to Petrograd, the Bolsheviks followed a "moderate" political line. Analyzing the correlation of class forces, Lenin concluded (April Theses) that the Soviets, taking advantage of the absence of a reliable armed force in the Provisional Government and under pressure from the masses of the people, could peacefully take state power into their own hands and thereby put an end to dual power. At first, the April theses did not find support either among the socialists or the Bolsheviks. But Lenin, after explaining the Theses within the Party and discussing them in local Party organizations, succeeded in having them accepted as a program of practical activity. The Bolsheviks set a course for a socialist revolution. The February euphoria ended soon. Already in April, distrust of the Provisional Government began to grow among the bulk of the population. The Bolshevik struggle for the masses proceeded more and more successfully. The Bolshevik program was understandable to the masses and realistic, but in order to implement it, the Bolsheviks needed to take power into their own hands.
By June, after the April crisis, the Soviets are losing their power. The dual power is over. The danger of a military dictatorship hung over the country. The only alternative to such a development could be the dictatorship of the proletariat. The tactical installations developed by Lenin were approved by the 6th Congress of the Bolshevik Party (July 26-August 3). In the decisions of the congress, the course for an armed uprising was determined as new form political struggle, preparing it both politically and technical terms. At the beginning of October, the prevailing point of view in the Bolshevik Party was the need to transfer power to the Soviets by force of arms. On October 12, the Military Revolutionary Committee (VRK) was formed as an organ for the armed overthrow of the Provisional Government. On the ground, city, district, provincial, and in the army - front-line, army, etc. VRKs were created. Their main activity consisted in the military-technical preparation of the uprising, the formation and arming of combat detachments, the development of an uprising plan, etc. On the evening of October 24, Lenin arrived at Smolny and led the armed uprising. On October 25 at 10 o'clock in the morning, an appeal written by Lenin "To the citizens of Russia" was published, which announced the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of power in the country into the hands of the Military Revolutionary Committee. On the night of October 25-26, the Winter Palace was stormed. The provisional government was arrested. At the second All-Russian Congress of the Bolsheviks on October 25, the Decree on Peace, the Decree on the Land was adopted; The congress decided on the transfer of power to the Soviet
People's Commissars. Lenin was elected chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. The congress elected the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), Sverdlov was elected chairman. The political victory of the Bolsheviks was due to the broad support of the masses, their desire for social justice.
On the afternoon of October 24 and on the night of October 25, the revolutionary forces of Petrograd captured the bridges, the main objects and institutions of the city. Only the Winter Palace, the General Staff and the Mariinsky Palace remained under the control of the Provisional Government. On the morning of October 25, the Bolsheviks declared the Provisional Government deposed, and power passed into the hands of the Military Revolutionary Committee. At this time, Kerensky went to the front in the hope of bringing troops from the Northern Front to Petrograd. However, at about 10 pm, after the Aurora cruiser fired, detachments of the Red Guards entered the Winter Palace and arrested members of the Provisional Government.
On the evening of October 25, the Second Congress of Soviets opened. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries called for the creation of a homogeneous socialist government, and they called the uprising an adventure, demanded that it be stopped, and left the congress in protest. On the initiative of V. I. Lenin, it was proclaimed transfer of power to the Congress of Soviets. Russia is proclaimed a republic of Soviets. At the second meeting, according to the reports of V. I. Lenin, decrees on peace, on land were adopted, Soviet government.
In the Decree on Peace, the warring countries and their governments were asked to conclude a just democratic peace without annexations and indemnities, to abolish secret diplomacy, and to respect the sovereignty of large and small nations.
The Decree on Land was based on the Peasants' Order on Land put forward by the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. Landownership, monastic, church and specific land ownership, as well as private ownership of land, were abolished, and the lease and sale of land was prohibited. The land and its subsoil were declared public property. All land was divided according to labor and consumer norms between peasants on the basis of equal land tenure.
At the congress, the Soviet government was formed - the Council of People's Commissars (Sovnarkom, or SNK). V. I. Lenin became its chairman. Prominent Bolsheviks were included in the Council of People's Commissars: L. D. Trotsky became People's Commissar(People's Commissar) for Foreign Affairs, A. I. Rykov - People's Commissar of Internal Affairs, A. V. Lunacharsky - People's Commissar for Education, I. V. Stalin - People's Commissar for Nationalities, etc. The Congress also elected the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) - in fact parliament of the new republic. Unlike the government, other revolutionary-democratic parties were also represented in it - the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Menshevik-Internationalists, etc., but the Bolsheviks prevailed. L. B. Kamenev was elected chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, then Ya. M. Sverdlov replaced him.
Following Petrograd Soviet authority began to spread throughout the country. In Moscow, the Moscow Military Revolutionary Committee was formed to lead the uprising on October 25. The uprising took on a protracted character. The Moscow garrison resisted. At the cost of 2 thousand victims, the uprising won on the night of November 3, 1917.
During November 1917-March 1918, Soviet power was established in the main territory of the country, mostly peacefully. V. I. Lenin described this process as "the triumphal march of Soviet power."
At the beginning of 1917, the food supply to the capital and other large industrial centers deteriorated sharply. In January, 270,000 people took part in the strikes. On February 18, a strike of workers at the Putilov factories began in Petrograd. On February 23, strikes, rallies and demonstrations organized by the Bolsheviks began on the occasion of the international women's day escalated into a spontaneous uprising. On February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general; military units began to go over to the side of the workers. 26
February, an order was given to shoot at demonstrators and rebels, additional military units were sent to Petrograd from the front. 27
In February, the rebels seized the arsenal, the disarmament of the police and gendarmes began, and political prisoners were released from prisons. By evening, more than 66,000 soldiers had gone over to the side of the people. On February 27, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma was created. On the same day, the first meeting of the Petrograd Soviet took place, the majority of which were Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The creation of Soviets began in other Russian cities as well. On March 2, Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne for himself and for his son Alexei in favor of his brother Mikhail, who also abdicated on March 3, leaving the decision on the form of government in Russia to the Constituent Assembly. The monarchy in Russia fell. The spontaneous bourgeois-democratic revolution won.
On March 2, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, in agreement with the Petrograd Soviet, decided to create a Provisional (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) government headed by Prince G. E. Lvov; Its members were predominantly representatives liberal parties- Cadets and Octobrists. The first steps of the Provisional Government were: the introduction of political freedoms, the abolition of the death penalty, a political amnesty, the abolition of the punitive bodies of the old regime, the elimination of discrimination based on nationality and religion. Freedom of assembly and unions was declared, the activities of factory committees and trade unions were legalized. AT socio-economic In the sphere, the main issue that the government had to solve was food. The threat of famine created fertile ground for manifestations of extremism and sharply aggravated social tension in the capitals and industrial centers. Attempts to introduce a grain monopoly ended in failure. The use of force during the grain procurement campaign aroused sharp dissatisfaction among the peasantry and persuaded them to go over to the camp of the left opposition. Steps were taken towards state regulation of the economy.
In turn, the Petrograd Soviet and its Executive Committee, headed by the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, also laid claim to real power in the capital and the country as a whole. Already in Order No. 1 for the Petrograd Military District (March 1, 1917), the Petrograd Soviet began to create elective committees from the "lower ranks" in the army and navy. With the direct participation of the Soviets, the implementation of measures to restore order in industrial enterprises and transport.
By decision of the Soviets, a people's militia was created, and the fight against speculation and crime began. A dual power emerged in the country, reflecting the struggle between the main political parties - the Cadets, the Social Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks. After the February Revolution, the Cadets took up republican positions. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries advocated putting pressure on the government, gradually joining it and obtaining the majority of ministerial posts, which they managed to achieve by the autumn of 1917. From month to month, the influence of the radical wing of Russian Social Democracy, the Bolsheviks, grew, proclaiming themselves the only party that defends the interests of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry, and the "capitalist ministers" who openly declared their refusal to cooperate with the government. Through the mouths of their leader V. I. Lenin, the Bolsheviks proclaimed the necessity and possibility of a transition from a bourgeois-democratic revolution to a socialist revolution by transferring all power to the Soviets, winning an overwhelming majority in them and establishing the "dictatorship of the proletariat." A radical wing also took shape in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party (the "Left Socialist-Revolutionaries", which formed in the autumn of 1917 own party who went to cooperate with the Bolsheviks).
main direction foreign policy The provisional government was to fulfill allied obligations to the Entente countries. The statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs P. N. Milyukov about Russia's readiness to wage war to a victorious end (April 20) caused the first political crisis in post-imperial Russia, which led to the formation of a coalition Provisional Government, which included several representatives of the socialist parties. The second crisis erupted in June as a result of a strike and mass demonstrations by the workers of Petrograd under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" and "Down with the capitalist ministers!". The beginning of the speech on the Southwestern Front contributed to the decline in anti-government speeches. The failure of the offensive and the exit from the government of ministers from the Cadets caused a new (July) crisis. On July 3-4, a grandiose armed demonstration took place in Petrograd, organized at the initiative of the Bolsheviks. The All-Russian Executive Committee (VTsIK), elected at the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 1917), declared the events in the capital a "Bolshevik conspiracy" and recognized the "unlimited powers and unlimited power" of the Provisional Government. The July crisis put an end to the dual power. The new government was headed by the Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky. Petrograd was declared state of emergency. The arrests of the Bolsheviks began; Lenin, accused of organizing an armed rebellion and spying for Germany, managed to escape. On August 12-15, a State Conference was held in Moscow, designed to strengthen the position of the Provisional Government. On August 25, General L. G. Kornilov, who became Supreme Commander-in-Chief in July, moved troops from the front to Petrograd in order to establish a military dictatorship designed to suppress the armed detachments of the proletariat and liquidate the Soviets.
The Cadet ministers left the government in solidarity with Kornilov. In turn, Kerensky declared Kornilov a rebel and removed him from office. Kerensky's actions were supported by the revolutionary-minded units of the Petrograd garrison and the Baltic Fleet, detachments of the workers' Red Guard, which was under the control of the Bolsheviks. On August 30, Kornilov's troops were stopped, and he himself was arrested. On the same day, Kerensky assumed the post of Supreme Commander. The failure of the right-wing coup led to the strengthening of the radical left wing of the revolution.
At the end of August, power passed to the Council of Five (Directorate), headed by Prime Minister Kerensky. On September 1, Russia was proclaimed a republic. On September 14-22, the All-Russian Democratic Conference was held in Petrograd, which adopted a decision according to which the future government was declared responsible to a representative body (Pre-Parliament) formed from among the delegates of the Democratic Conference. On September 25, a new coalition government headed by Kerensky was formed; the predominant influence in it was received by the socialists (10 seats out of 16). On October 2, the Provisional Government approved the regulation on the Pre-Parliament, which was called the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic. The Bolsheviks refused to participate in the work of the Pre-Parliament.
The situation in Russia in the autumn of 1917 was characterized by the growth of a nationwide systemic crisis that engulfed all aspects of the economic, social and political life. Gross industrial output in 1917 decreased by 36.4% compared to 1916. From March 1 to October 1, approx. 800 enterprises. Traffic was paralyzed on the most important railway lines, and economic ties between town and country were disrupted. Food prices rose steadily. Real wages fell by 40-50% compared to pre-war levels. Active money emission and the issuance of new loans led to a sharp drop in the purchasing power of the ruble; its actual cost compared to the middle of 1914 was 32.6%. The state debt of Russia in October 1917 approached 50 billion rubles, of which the debt to foreign powers amounted to more than 11 billion rubles.
In the autumn of 1917, the strike movement intensified, which was actually curtailed after February. In September-October, approx. 2.5 million people. The number of trade unions grew. labor movement, which, under the influence of Bolshevik propaganda, became more and more pronounced political in nature, was combined with spontaneous actions of the peasantry for the division of the land. In August-September alone, more than 3,000 peasant uprisings took place. Soldiers' unrest became more and more dangerous. In September Russian troops left Riga. A serious threat hung over Petrograd.
Introduction
This paper considers the period of development and change of the Russian state and law from February to September 1917, which received an ambiguous assessment of historians, contemporaries and politicians.
The work used educational and methodological literature (the list of references is given at the end of the work).
1. The state-political crisis of 1916-1917.
Unprecedented losses in the millions, months-long retreats and the heavy fire of the German artillery, to which there was nothing to answer, demoralized the soldiers on the fronts. The cadre army was practically put out of action: hastily trained high school students, students, teachers, and doctors became officers.
In this situation, a lot depended on the agreement between the government and society. The beginning of the war was marked by national unity: the number of strikes and unrest in the countryside sharply declined.
But the peace between the authorities and the liberal-bourgeois circles was short-lived. After the defeat and retreat of the Russian troops, the public began to talk about the inability of the tsarist bureaucracy to govern the country. In August 1915 the majority of the Duma deputies are Cadets, Octobrists, and other liberals; Milyukov. The bloc demanded to strengthen the principles of legality, to reform the zemstvo and local administration, and most importantly, to create a "ministry of public trust" (a government of figures close to liberal-bourgeois circles).
The tsar was convinced that only the monarchy enjoyed the confidence of the people and could solve the great tasks of the world war. Feeling an encroachment on his rights, Nicholas II began to appoint a government of dignitaries of the protective current and remove ministers who were inclined to make concessions to the Duma. There was a "ministerial leapfrog": for 1915-1916. four chairmen of the Council of Ministers, four ministers of war, six ministers of the interior, four ministers of justice were replaced.
There is less and less confidence in the inner circle, the tsar, being at the front, began to entrust important state affairs to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna.
Rasputin gained more and more influence at this time.
Dark rumors spread in society about the German sympathies of the Empress - a born German princess, that the government and command fell entirely under the rule of Rasputin and other favorites. Milyukov spoke in the Duma with thunderous criticism of the government, ending it with rhetorical questions: "What is this - stupidity or treason?" (2)
Liberal-bourgeois circles were deeply convinced that the tsarist entourage and the bureaucracy, with their inept management, were pushing the country towards revolution. However, they themselves unwittingly brought this revolution closer by publicly criticizing the government. In an effort to reason with the authorities, public figures began to resort to extra-parliamentary, illegal methods: in December 1916. high-society conspirators led by a prominent legal figure V.M. Rasputin was killed by Pushkarev. At the same time, Guchkov and the generals close to him were developing a plan for a military coup: to seize the tsar's train and force Nicholas II to sign a abdication in favor of the heir Alexei during the regency of the tsar's brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. In the meantime, behind the walls of the Duma and the high-society salons, a mass movement was growing. Increasingly, there were strikes and unrest in the countryside, there were cases of disobedience of the troops, the anti-war propaganda of the Bolsheviks attracted more and more supporters (3).
2. The overthrow of the monarchy and the proclamation of the republic
February 27, 1917 The second bourgeois revolution in Russia has won. The Petrograd garrison, going over to the side of the insurgent workers, overthrew the tsarist government.
On February 28, the process of forming the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies began in Petrograd. The council includes representatives of various political parties.
By decree of the tsar, the Duma was dissolved, but in the conditions of the outbreak of the revolution, it did not disperse. During the revolution, on the initiative of the Cadets and Octobrists, a Duma committee headed by the chairman of the IV State Duma, Rodzianko, was created. This committee on the night of February 27-28, 1917. began to form the Provisional Government. It was proposed to include in the government a number of representatives of the Council. (5)
Nicholas II compromised with the Duma committee and authorized the formation of a government by decree. The attempts of Nicholas II to drown out the revolutionary uprisings in Petrograd failed. The punitive units sent to Petrograd were detained on the way. Nicholas II also got stuck on the road (in Pskov at the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General Ruzsky).
March 2, 1917 at 15.05 Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the abdication of himself and his son from the throne and transferred power to his brother, Mikhail Alexandrovich.
On March 3, Mikhail abdicated the throne and made a statement that he would lead the country only if the Constituent Assembly elevated him to the throne.
The abdication of Nicholas II from the throne created a vacuum of political power, into which many political parties and movements poured. The struggle for power has become one of the main features political development Russia in 1917
However, the rapid decay of the old political system and the inability of the new political forces to establish an effective public administration predetermined the collapse of a single centralized state. These two trends were leading in the political development of the country in 1917.
3. Provisional government .
March 2, 1917 Provisional Committee of Members State Duma headed by M.V. Rodzianko announced the creation of the Provisional Government. Prince G.E. Lvov, who was close to the Cadets, headed the government.
The Provisional Government included the Ministers - Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov (Cadet), Military and Naval A.I. Guchkov (Octobrist), Communications N.V. progressist), finance M.I. Tereshchenko (non-partisan), education A.A. ) and others. The Mariinsky Palace became the residence of the Provisional Government, and since July - the Winter Palace. (5)
The rival of the government in the struggle for political influence was the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies. Formed from among the workers, it quickly lost its efficiency due to the huge number of deputies (2 thousand people). Therefore, the Executive Committee (EC) played a decisive role in determining the policy of the Petrosoviet. It was created both through elections and through representation from the central committees of the socialist parties. The Executive Committee was headed by A.F. Kerensky and the Mensheviks M.I. Skobelev and N.S. Chkheidze. The latter was elected chairman of the EC at the end of March. In June 1917, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee arose (Chairman Chkheidze), created by the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (June 3-24, 1917). Along with them there was the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of peasant deputies. The Socialist-Revolutionary N.D. Avksentiev became its chairman. The residence of the Petrograd Soviet, and then the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, became the Taurida Palace, and from August 4 - the Smolny Institute. The first and main document of the February Revolution was "Order No. 1" of the Petrograd Soviet for the Petrograd Military District of March 1, 1917. According to the order, elected committees were created from representatives of the "lower ranks" in the army and navy, directly subordinate to the Council. Combat weapons were at the direct disposal of these committees and "under no circumstances" were issued to the officers. Soldiers and sailors "out of service and formation" were granted political and civil rights, rude treatment was prohibited, incl. appeal to "you"; finally, the titles of officers "your excellency", "noble", etc., were canceled, a single appeal "sir" was introduced. The provisions of the "Order" soon extended to all the armed forces of the country. (5)
Having supported the masses of soldiers, the Soviets became, with their help, real, and then the only organs of state power. At the same time, the dual power in the armed forces undermined their combat effectiveness, sowed the seeds of discord, which outgrew the framework of the struggle for power and resulted in a bloody civil war. The "man with a gun" was drawn into an active social and political life, and remained in it for many years.
In the February days, the Soviets actually took power. They were able to start up factories, transport, launch newspapers, fight banditry and speculation, and establish order in the city. However, formally, legally government was in the hands of the Provisional Government. It was in charge of appointments, issued decrees and appeals, which acquired the force of law with the support of the Council. Otherwise, the government would lose its footing. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrosoviet sought to prevent this and ensure full support for the government. The emerging dual power was main feature February bourgeois-democratic revolution.
In less than eight months of the existence of the Provisional Government, there were four government crises, of which each subsequent one was deeper and longer than the previous one. The first, homogeneous government of Prince G.E. Lvov lasted exactly two months. The April crisis caused by Milyukov's note led to his resignation. On May 5, the first coalition government was created from the "capitalist" ministers and the socialist ministers.
It included: Minister-Chairman and Minister of Internal Affairs G.E. Lvov, Ministers - Military and Naval Kerensky, Justice P.N. , Finance Shingarsv, agriculture V.M. .Shakhovskoy (cadet), chief prosecutor of the Synod V.N. Lvov and jus. Yearly controller. In the government, 10 seats were held by the bourgeois parties, 6 by the socialists (3).
The main trends in political development from February to October are: political polarization, the decline in the influence of moderate forces and the strengthening of extreme forces against the backdrop of growing anarchy. Based on Lenin, Soviet historians usually distinguished two stages of the whole process, the boundary between which was called the July events. It was believed that until July there was a dual power in the country and the possibility of peace; the transfer of power to the Soviets and then to the working class.
From February to July: three crises
On April 4, at a meeting of the Petrograd Soviet, Lenin announced his "April theses" - the "program" of "growing the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one." The main task of the Bolsheviks was to "win over" the masses to their side. June and July.
On April 18, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Miliukov sent the infamous note to the Allies promising to fight the war to "a victorious end." Naturally, this caused an explosion of popular indignation. Mass demonstrations took place with slogans: "Resign the Provisional Government!", "All power to the Soviets!". To calm the masses, six representatives of the Soviet - socialists - were included. Thus, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, having outwardly strengthened their positions, became "hostages" of the Provisional Government, shared with him the responsibility for an unpopular policy, and thus were doomed to a drop in their ratings.
In June, at the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, Russia also heard a frank statement by the Bolshevik leader about their desire for undivided power. In response to the assertions of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries that there is no party in the country that alone could take power into its own hands, Lenin’s famous words were heard: “There is such a party ... every minute it is ready to take power entirely.
The reason for the second crisis was the offensive of the Russian army against the Germans, launched on June 18, undertaken mainly to prevent its final decomposition. The offensive was unsuccessful, which dealt a new big blow to the authority of the government. This time, for the first time, a mass demonstration of protest in Petrograd under anti-government slogans took place under the undivided influence of the Bolsheviks.
In July, in the struggle for power, the Bolsheviks undertook "reconnaissance in force." Reason for new political crisis this time, the government's attempts to strengthen discipline in the army by sending parts of the capital's garrison to the front served. On July 3, in protest against this, armed demonstrations of soldiers (the most aggressive 1st machine-gun regiment was in the forefront), Kronstadt sailors and workers who advocated the overthrow of the "counter-revolutionary" government began. There were clashes and even skirmishes between the demonstrators and the troops, the rioters were dispersed. The Bolshevik leadership did not take any decisive action at that time: Lenin believed that although the seizure of power in Petrograd was already possible during the July crisis, it would still be premature on a national scale.
Growing nationwide crisis
After the July events, the government, with the support of the Council, is taking some repressive measures. The units that took part in the speech are being disarmed, At the front, on the initiative of the new commander-in-chief L. Kornilov (appointed on June 18 to replace A. Brusilov), the the death penalty, as the only means to save the army from final collapse. An important role was played by the publication of data on the connections of the Bolsheviks with the Germans, in connection with which he decides to arrest their leaders, the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda was closed.
However, all these measures were not decisive. Lenin managed to escape to Finland, the arrested Bolshevik leaders were soon released. Meanwhile, the Bolshevik Party was looking for new ways to fight for power. At its 6th Congress, held in late July and early August, the end of the "peaceful period" of the revolution and "dual power" was announced, and the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" was temporarily lifted. (since the Soviets became "an appendage of the counter-revolutionary dictatorship"), a course was openly put forward for the armed overthrow of the government.
More and more favorable conditions were ripening for the implementation of these plans. by the autumn of 1917, the situation in the country was characterized by an ever-increasing aggravation of socio-economic and political contradictions, and an increase in general discontent.
The provisional government, which was headed by A. Kerensky on July 22, could not find a way to solve the most acute problems facing the country, primarily the question of peace and land. As before, the orientation towards the continuation of the war, hated by the people, to a "victorious end" (under the slogan of "revolutionary defencism") remained, while the solution of the agrarian question was postponed until "victory" or until the Constituent Assembly.
The collapse of the economy is growing in the country, inflation is increasing, unemployment is increasing (including as a result of lockouts - the closure of factories by entrepreneurs), and food difficulties are aggravating. Gross industrial output in 1917 decreased by 36.5% in comparison with 1916; in comparison with 1913, the real wages of workers fell by half. The budget deficit was covered by a copious issuance of devalued paper money- "Kerenok".
The peasant movement is becoming more and more massive and sharp, often resulting in the destruction of landlord estates and the murder of government officials. If in July, only according to official data, 1777 "riots" were recorded in the village, then in September - October 5140.
It should be emphasized that the discontent of the masses was to a large extent justified and justified. At the same time, it is obvious that Russia's most acute problems could be optimally solved only through national accord and compromise. It was a tragedy for the country that the orientation towards the immediate and forcible satisfaction of people's demands, towards enmity and hatred between different classes Russian society.
Strengthening the position of the Bolsheviks
Having shown their inability to successfully govern the country, the opponents of Bolshevism were also deprived of unity, divided, which was most clearly manifested in the course of the so-called "Kornilov conspiracy." Having put forward a plan to "restore order" in the country, on August 26, the commander-in-chief moved the 1st corps of General Krymov to Petrograd. A. Kerensky, who considered the "rightists" as the main danger to the revolution, announced the removal of L. Kornilov from his post. In the fight against "Kornilovism" the leader of the democratic government relied on the support of all the "left" forces, including the Bolsheviks. Within a few hours, the Kornilov action, which did not find support either "from above" or "from below", was liquidated. General Krymov committed suicide, and Kornilov was arrested.
As a result of these developments, there has been a dramatic change political position. First of all, would the "right" forces be discredited? At the same time, the Bolshevik Party was "cleansed" of the charges brought against it in the July days. To the Committee created by the Petrograd Soviet popular struggle with the counter-revolution was included the leader of the Bolshevik military organization, the "military"; V. Nevsky (at that time it had 26 thousand members)
A sharp change in the political situation. It manifested itself in the "Bolshevization" of the Soviets: on the night of September 1-2, the Bolsheviks received a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, the most energetic in the Soviet was elected its chairman. this stage Lenin's associate - L. Trotsky. On September 5, this is also happening in the Moscow Soviet. Now Lenin again puts forward the slogan "All power to the Soviets!"
Bolshevik coup
In mid-September, Lenin sent two letters from his Finnish refuge to the Central Committee of the party, in which he set the task of immediately overthrowing the government and putting forward its concrete plan. Lenin met the most serious resistance to this plan from his associates. The Central Committee did not support Lenin's proposals, remembering the difficult situation in July and fearing the defeat of the Bolshevik conspiracy. The majority in the Central Committee was guided by the fact that the All-Russian Congress of Soviets (and they were now dominated by the Bolsheviks), scheduled for October 25, would take power by peaceful means.
On September 29, Lenin sent an ultimatum letter to the Bolshevik leadership, in which he threatened, in case of disagreement with his demands, to leave the Central Committee and turn directly to the “lower classes”. On October 10, a meeting of the Central Committee, under pressure from Lenin, adopts an armed uprising. Only G. Zinoviev and L. Kamenev voted against, who, like the Mensheviks, believed that the prerequisites for proletarian power had not yet developed in Russia. In their opinion, as a result of the elections to the Constituent Assembly, a government was to be formed from representatives of all socialist parties. These proposals, containing a certain version of Russia's development along the path of democracy, were rejected.
The Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC), created by the Petrograd Soviet on October 9 under the pretext of preparing for defense in the event of a German offensive, became the legal body for the preparation of the Bolshevik coup.
According to some authors (Geller and Nekrich), the seizure of power, in fact, began on October 21, when the Military Revolutionary Committee issued an order according to which no orders are valid without his sanction, weapons are not issued without his order, commissars are sent to military units to control this solutions. In response, the government tried to close down the Bolshevik newspapers and bring the VRK to trial.
In contrast to this, throughout the same day, the VRC sends out its commissars and small armed detachments to seize government buildings, bridges, railway stations, telegraphs, etc. The seizure of power took place mainly without armed clashes. At 10 am on October 25, the Military Revolutionary Committee issues an appeal "To the citizens of Russia", which announced the overthrow of the provisional government. In reality, the Provisional Government was arrested in the Winter Palace at 2 am on October 26.
48. From February to October 1917. Alternatives for the socio-political development of Russia:
February Revolution in Russia
Background of the revolution
By 1917, the tasks of capitalist modernization had not been solved in Russia - there were very limited conditions for the free development of capitalism in agriculture and industry.
Autocracy remained an obstacle to serious reforms. The beginnings of Russian parliamentarism were characterized by extremely low efficiency, and the immaturity of the political movement, parties and public organizations remained.
The nobility remained a privileged class. The bourgeoisie did not have full political rights and were practically not allowed by tsarism to participate in government.
The revolution was also caused by the unresolved socio-economic problems directly related to the First World War. Although there was no general economic crisis in the country, however, the destruction of railway transport exacerbated the problem of providing cities with raw materials, and the front with weapons and ammunition. All this led to a deepening crisis of power.
The course of the revolution
The revolution began with a powerful upsurge of the strike movement in Petrograd on February 1917. The mass strike of the Putilov factory sharply aggravated the situation in the capital. On February 25, economic strikes turned into a general political strike. On February 26, the transition of troops to the side of the revolution began. As a result, the general political strike developed into a spontaneous armed uprising.
By March 1, the entire Petrograd garrison was on the side of the rebels, who captured railway stations, bridges, the main arsenal, and important government institutions. Following Petrograd, the revolution won in Moscow and further throughout the country. The tsar issued a decree on the dissolution of the State Duma, thereby eliminating the last opportunity to get out of the crisis in a reformist way. On the night of March 2-3, Nicholas II abdicated the throne.
The results of the revolution
The February Revolution has won. The old state system collapsed. A new political situation has emerged. During the revolution, 2 authorities were created: the Provisional Committee of the State. Duma and - saw the task in the normalization of the situation in the country and the establishment of contacts with government agencies. (liberal layers).
Another body of power was created in Petrograd - the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies elected from the plant and factories (mainly from moderate socialist-essers).
However, the victory of the revolution did not prevent the further deepening of the crisis state of the country. Economic disruption intensified. To the former socio-political problems: war and peace, labor, agrarian and national issues, new ones were added: about power, the future state structure and ways out of the crisis. All this determined the peculiarity of the alignment of social forces in 1917.
2 potential scenarios for the development of events opened up before the country: a reformist variant could be realized, in which the Provisional Government would act as the initiator and conductor of reforms. But in the event of its non-realization, a radical option was not ruled out: both right-wing forces (for example, the military) and left-wing forces could become its potential participants.
The alignment of political forces
The struggle for the choice of the path of development in Russia after February caused an intensification of the political movement in the country. The role of the Soviets was growing throughout the country. After the revolution, the right-wing parties - the monarchist and the Black Hundreds - ceased their activities.
Elections to the provisional government - March 2, 1917 - The right-liberal party of Cadets (leader Miliukov) has taken a leading place in the system of the country's political forces, although its position has noticeably moved to the left. They abandoned the constitutional monarchy and advocated the idea of a long-term evolution of the country according to the Western model on a parliamentary basis. In national politics, they spoke in favor of preserving the integrity of the country with the allocation of some autonomy to national regions.
The most massive and influential parties in post-February Russia were the moderate socialist parties - the Socialist-Revolutionaries (leader Chernov) and the Mensheviks (leaders - Tsereteli, Dan). They spoke in support of the Provisional Government, for the continuation of the war. They saw their immediate task in the further deepening of the bourgeois-democratic reforms that the Constituent Assembly was to prepare.
The radical left party - the RSDLP (b) before Lenin's arrival from exile acted with conditional support for the Provisional Government. However, in April, Lenin declared that the revolution had not yet been completed and that it was necessary to move on to stage 2 - the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist one, the course towards establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry ("April Theses"). In the economic sphere, it was proposed the confiscation of the landed estates and the nationalization of all land; the transition to Soviet control over the production and distribution of products; nationalization of the banking system. Lenin proposed the tactic of a peaceful transition to the second stage of the revolution by exposing the "imperialist essence" of the Provisional Government and winning a majority in the Soviets.
Time from February to October- a special period in the history of Russia. It has two stages. At the first (March - early July 1917) there was a dual power, in which the Provisional Government (Lvov) was forced to coordinate all its actions with the Petrograd Soviet, which occupied more radical positions and had the support of the broad masses of the people, as well as real military force. Hence - the frequent indecision and inconsistency in the actions of the government.
Having arisen, the Provisional Government declared its adherence to the principles of democracy, abolished the system of estates, national restrictions, which, of course, earned respect. However, the final decision on these and other issues was postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the elections to which were constantly delayed.
The people were asked to bring the war to a victorious end. From this was built domestic politics government: the solution of the agrarian question was postponed, because. it was believed that a large-scale division of the land would lead to the disorganization of the front, because. the peasants will not want the partition to proceed without them. The economic policy was aimed at fulfilling two tasks: supplying the army and solving the food problem. The methods consisted in limiting market exchange and carrying out active state intervention in managing the economy. In solving the food issue, the pre-revolutionary policy of surplus appropriation continued. The grain monopoly law was passed.
AT April 1917 the first governmental crisis broke out. It was caused by the general social tension in the country. The catalyst was Milyukov's note, with which he addressed the allied powers with assurances of Russia's determination to bring the war to a victorious end. This led to extreme indignation of the people, mass rallies and demonstrations demanding an immediate end to the war, the transfer of power to the Soviets, and the resignation of Milyukov and Guchkov. They were forced to leave the government.
In early May, an agreement was reached between the Provisional Government and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet on the creation of a coalition, which for the first time included left-wing parties - the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks. It issued a declaration in which it promised to start peace negotiations, speed up the development of agrarian reform, and establish state control over production. However, the new government also failed to stabilize the situation in the country. The decline in production continued, and the living conditions of all segments of the population worsened.
All this caused a new explosion of discontent. It reached a significant level in June 1917 in connection with the preparation of an offensive at the front and the defeat of the army on the German front. Mass demonstrations took place in Petrograd demanding an immediate end to the war and the transfer of power to the Soviets.
The failure of the summer offensive at the front caused a new general political crisis. July 3-4 mass armed demonstrations of workers and soldiers took place in Petrograd. The slogan "All power to the Soviets!" was put forward again. The situation was aggravated by the deteriorating economic situation. A food crisis broke out, engulfing the capital and its environs. The Fuel Committee announced the imminent shutdown of factories and plants due to lack of fuel. The way out of the crisis was seen along the path of a tougher course towards the revolutionary movement. Repressions began against the Bolsheviks and the Left Social Revolutionaries, who were accused of preparing an armed seizure of power. The government declared Petrograd under martial law and disarmed the soldiers and workers who had taken part in the demonstration. Measures were taken to strengthen discipline in the army, and the death penalty was restored at the front. The influence of the Petrograd and other Soviets temporarily decreased. The dual power was over. From that moment, according to V.I. Lenin, the stage of the revolution ended, when power could pass to the Soviets peacefully. The Bolshevik Party at its Sixth Congress (August, 1917) decided on an armed uprising, the ultimate goal of which was to overthrow the government and seize political power.
By the end of the summer, the inconsistency of the economic policy of the Provisional Government began to manifest itself more and more clearly. State intervention in the economy caused widespread dissatisfaction among small and medium-sized entrepreneurs. Unemployment was rising in the city, basic necessities were in short supply, and prices were rising. The answer to the helplessness of the government was the strengthening of the self-organization of the people.
As a result of the unsolvability of the agrarian question in the countryside, the struggle of the peasants against the landowners begins to reach its climax. It resulted spontaneously in the unauthorized seizure of land. The dragging out of the land question found an echo in the army, plunged the countryside into still greater anarchy.
At the end of August 1917, right-wing forces attempted to carry out a coup d'état and establish a military dictatorship in the country. Kornilov was elected dictator. This threat forced A.F. Kerensky to turn to the people for support and even to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. All socialist parties came out against Kornilovism. When the troops of General Krymov, loyal to Kornilov, were ready to move on Petrograd, Kerensky declared Kornilov a traitor. Kornilov was arrested.
The failure of the Kornilov rebellion again decisively changed the political situation and the balance of power. The rightists were crushed, the prestige of A.F. Kerensky and the Cadets fell. The influence of the Bolsheviks increased. Using the failures of the ruling parties in getting out of the existing crisis, they increased their influence in the troops, trade unions, Soviets and brought the revolutionary denouement closer.
In response, the government made another attempt to stabilize the situation. On September 1, the Provisional Government proclaimed Russia a republic. The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets approved the idea of convening Democratic Conference who had to decide the question of power. It was attended by representatives of all political parties, zemstvos and city dumas. The purpose of the meeting is to undermine the influence of the Bolshevik Soviets. Kerensky at the end of September formed the 3rd coalition government on the basis of a compromise between the "moderate socialists" and the Cadets. However, his power became more and more illusory. The government lost the support of the right, who accused him of the collapse of the army and helplessness. Soviet leaders criticized Kerensky for allying with the Cadets. All this meant that the revolution had entered a new phase.
In early September, elections were held for the Petrograd Soviet, where the Bolsheviks receive the majority of seats, and Trotsky becomes chairman. The Bolsheviks began preparations to seize political power. Unlike the February Revolution, which broke out spontaneously, the new uprising was carefully prepared and all political forces knew about it. But the actions of the central government were sluggish and inconsistent.
On the evening of October 24, the Bolsheviks began an armed uprising. During the night and the following day - the General Staff, telegraph, railway stations and other objects - were in the hands of the rebels. On the morning of October 25, the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet declared the Provisional Government deposed. The II All-Russian Congress of Soviets began its work. Power passed into the hands of the Soviets. Kerensky fled, and the members of the Provisional Government were arrested.
Congress unanimously adopted Peace Decree, which contained an appeal to the warring countries to conclude a democratic peace without annexations and indemnities. Land Decree was based on the Socialist-Revolutionary program for solving the agrarian question. He proclaimed the abolition of private ownership of land, the nationalization of all land and its subsoil. The lands of landowners and large proprietors were confiscated. The use of hired labor and the lease of land were prohibited. Equalized land use was introduced.
At the congress, a one-party Bolshevik government was created - the Council of People's Commissars. The congress elected a new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK). It included the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs. The Mensheviks and Right SRs refused to participate in the work of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. L.B. became the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Kamenev.
Outcome:
The nationwide crisis, the radicalism of the lower classes, as well as the energy and will of the Bolsheviks contributed to the victory of the radical left alternative in Russia, which, under the current conditions, was one of the ways to preserve national statehood. This meant the collapse of the bourgeois-liberal alternative. Subsequently, the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat turned into the dictatorship of the party, expressing some of the strategic interests of the working class and partly of the peasantry, but carried out by authoritarian methods.
The relatively easy victory of the Bolsheviks was due, first of all, to the weakness of the bourgeoisie, the absence in Russia of a wide stratum of the population with a pronounced private property ideology. The "moderate" socialists entered into an alliance with the bourgeois parties and failed to lead the people's movement.
The liberal and right-wing socialist forces did not understand the depth of social tension and did not satisfy the basic demands of the people. They did not take Russia out of the war, they did not solve the agrarian, labor and national issues. In 1917, the economic condition of the country was steadily deteriorating, devastation, hunger and impoverishment of the population were growing. Under these conditions, the Bolshevik Party turned out to be the only political force, which sensitively caught and skillfully used for its own purposes social hatred and the desire of the masses for egalitarian justice.
The activity of V.I. Lenin, who managed to overcome the differences among the Bolsheviks. The victory of the Bolsheviks and the establishment of Soviet power interrupted the process of democratization of Russia, its gradual transformation into a parliamentary republic of the European model.
Historiography:
World-historical theory:materialistic direction (Kim, Kukushkin Zimin, Rabakov, Fedorov): the development of society naturally led to the socialist revolution. The class of workers and the poorest peasantry, having won political power in Russia, establishes a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and begins to build socialism. The Bolsheviks proceeded from the fact that there is no general democracy in a class state. It is either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat.
liberal direction (Ostrovsky, Utkin, Ionov, Pipes, Kobrin, Skrynnikov) : in the country during the war, an accidental coup d'état took place, the Bolsheviks seized power (the role of the individual, Lenin, is great in this). During the prolonged Red Terror, the Bolsheviks forcibly established a political system alien to the people and nature.
Technological direction (Krasilshchikov, Nefedov): the events of February 1917 were of a pro-Western modernization nature and were accompanied by the adoption of Western political institutions. However, the peasant reform was never carried out. The Bolsheviks, who personified radical Western Marxism, led the masses of the communal peasantry, and as a result, the Bolsheviks gained power.
Early 90s gg. there was a point of view that there was no revolution, but there was an apex coup committed by the Bolsheviks. There were no objective prerequisites for this, but a combination of circumstances played a role.
In the late 90s. a more objective attitude to these events appeared. In the works of Volobuev and Dmitrienko, it was noted that in 1914 the country entered a period of a comprehensive nationwide crisis that lasted until 1922. As part of this crisis, scientists propose to call the events of 1917 the Great Russian Revolution. It was both a socialist, a peasant, and a national liberation revolution. Just at this time there was a historical meeting of different revolutionary currents.
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